Saturday, February 29, 2020

Why Hyderabad’s Yemeni descendants worry about proving their citizenship - Text

Why Hyderabad’s Yemeni descendants worry about proving their citizenship
Syed MohammedFEBRUARY 29, 2020 16:00 IST
UPDATED: MARCH 01, 2020 12:34 IST
SHARE ARTICLE 5PRINTA A A
An outdoor kitchen where kebabs and other delicacies are prepared at the Qasr al Mandi in Barkas
An outdoor kitchen where kebabs and other delicacies are prepared at the Qasr al Mandi in Barkas   | Photo Credit: Nagara Gopal

Tucked away in tech city is the neighbourhood of Barkas, where descendants of Yemeni tribes have lived since the 17th century
Through the arterial thoroughfares of Hyderabad’s Old City, past the imposing Charminar and the Falaknuma Palace (now a Taj Hotel) atop a hillock, I reach Chandrayangutta. Nestled here, south of River Musi, is the Barkas neighbourhood. This is where descendants of Yemeni tribes have lived for over three centuries. It was in the late 17th century that Lahmadi Yemeni tribesmen, among many others, migrated to the subcontinent, mostly to join the Hyderabad State’s armed forces. They eventually made the city their permanent home. When India became independent, the Yemenis also became citizens.

Today, Ali bin Saleh Lahmadi, a businessman and a descendant of the Lahmadi Yemenis, is among those worrying about his citizenship, like so many others. For the last three Fridays, after the jumma namaz, the people of Barkas have been congregating on the sprawling grounds here to protest the Citizenship (Amendment) Act. For the last fortnight, they have also organised a symbolic ‘lights off’ protest. “From 7 p.m. to 7.15 p.m., shops turn off all lights. It is a protest against the siyaah (black) law,” says Lahmadi.

“I was born here, my parents were born here, my grandparents were born here. My forefathers came here from Yemen and worked as soldiers in the Nizam’s army. It is absurd to be told now that we might have to show documents or be asked where our parents were born,” says Lahamadi.

From the barracks


Barkas is a corruption of the word ‘barracks’. Yemeni soldiers first enlisted in the Asaf Jahi dynasty’s structured armed forces, the Nazm-e-Jamiyat, and in the irregular forces, the Afwaj-e-Beqaidah. The area was named after the barracks in which they were housed. The late Omar Khalidi, a famous Hyderabadi historian, notes that the Nizam’s Diwan or Prime Minister, Salar Jung, established a special court for Arabs — the Qazaat-e-Uroob. He also records that these soldiers were called chaush, the Turkish equivalent of a palace guard. This word, at times, is used in a pejorative sense as well. Today, the number of Yemenis here number between 50,000 to a lakh, and represent 100-150 tribes.

It is early in the morning. Boys and girls in school uniforms are riding pillion on bikes as their fathers drive them to school. At a tea stall on the pavement, a group of men sit around on stools, cigarettes pressed between their fingers, sipping tea. The tea of choice here is Sulaimani chai, an inalienable part of Yemeni culture: golden, sans milk, with mint leaves and a gentle squeeze of lemon. “Assalaamualaikum! Atashribu shai? (Peace be with you! Want some tea?)” Mohammed bin Saalam, the tea-seller, asks teasingly in Arabic, waving at an acquaintance who is rushing past. At the shop, the customers solemnly discuss the new developments: the frequent protests the city has witnessed over the past months.

Locals of Barkas gather at a qahwa shop
Locals of Barkas gather at a qahwa shop   | Photo Credit: Nagara Gopal
The men zipping by on motorcycles wear the ghatra, the traditional headgear worn in the Arabian Peninsula, wrapped around their head, its ends flapping on their backs and their lungis slapping against bare shins. The footwear most favoured is the arba chappal, sandals with a thick sole and two horizontal straps, usually adorned with a golden or silver buckle.

Some 45 years ago, the people of Barkas were primarily agriculturalists. But with Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries striking oil, employment opportunities poured into Hyderabad. Much like the Dakhnis, the Barkas men too grabbed these jobs.

“Most of us had lost contact with our relatives in Yemen. Finding work in GCC countries not only helped us get back on our feet, it gave our community better access to education. We reconnected with family. Members of the Yemeni diaspora live in Saudi Arabia, UAE and other countries. We traced them through our tribe names. The internet played its part — we found many relatives online,” says Saleh Ahmad bin Abdat, an office-bearer of Jamiatul Yemeniyya bil Hind, an association of Yemenis in India. As he introduces himself, the aspirated ‘h’ in Saleh and Ahmad is hard to miss.

Empowering daughters

With money pouring in, and the focus moving towards education, many more girls began going to school and college, says Ayesha Bahameid, who is both a graduate from a regular college and an aalimah, a woman who has received traditional madrassa education. “My sister is a doctor. The community has realised that women should be educated and has made rapid strides in this regard,” she says.

The Yemenis are now a powerful political bloc. Unlike the descendants of another migrant community, the Habashis, for instance, who were enlisted in the Nizam’s African Cavalry Guards, the Yemenis have thrived politically. The community continues to be represented in the Greater Hyderabad Municipal Corporation (GHMC). Fahad bin Samad Abdat, now in his 20s, is one of the youngest corporators; Ahmed bin Abdullah Balala is an MLA in the Telangana State Legislative Assembly. Ausaf Sayeed, a Hyderabadi-Yemeni, is the present Indian Ambassador to Saudi Arabia.

A customer tries on the traditional arba chappal at a footwear store
A customer tries on the traditional arba chappal at a footwear store   | Photo Credit: Nagara Gopal
While jobs in the Gulf have immensely improved the fortunes of many Hyderabadis from the 70s on, it gave the Yemeni groups another opportunity: the business of food. By the late 2000s, Arabian cuisine had become an integral part of Hyderabad’s culinary culture. Mandi is a dish of rice and meat (beef, mutton, chicken, fish, quail) garnished generously with raisins, cashews and almonds. Such is its popularity today that mandi finds a place on the traditional dastarkhwan alongside Hyderabadi biryani. Techies in Hyderabad, students, families, visitors — everyone throngs to mandi restaurants in Barkas and Errakunta, which is its geographical extension. Customers sit cross-legged at low tables as waiters bring in massive thaalas or plates. Everyone eats from a single plate.

Old world and new

The first mandi restaurant opened in 1997, a small eatery that only locals frequented. Then another one opened in 2004. “But the real change came around 2010, when the Matam al Arabi restaurant opened. That is when everything changed and the people of Barkas realised we could do well in the Arabian cuisine business,” says Khalid ‘Jameel’ al Barzikh, who runs the Qasr al Mandi restaurant. “Here, we use the original recipe. The rice and meat are cooked together in a special pit. You can say that the mandi is buried, so the cooking technique is known as madfoon, meaning ‘to bury’,” he says. Qasr al Mandi is located on the Srisailam Highway that connects Barkas to the famous temple town of Srisailam on the Telangana and Andhra Pradesh border.

Thanks to the demand from foodies willing to travel miles for a feast, some 30 mandi restaurants have sprung up along this 5-km stretch alone. Indeed, the stamp of Arabian culture, of the Yemeni community and their cuisine, is no longer confined to the Old City. Mandi restaurants have mushroomed in newer parts of town too: there are two in uptown Jubilee Hills Road Number 36, popularly known as ‘36’ among the IT crowd and another in HiTec City.

A stone’s throw from the Barkas Library is Hadrami Harees, which has been in business for over half a century. Harees is a forerunner to the Hyderabadi haleem, a dish that combines pounded meat and wheat. Two men with chiselled features and deep-set eyes walk into the restaurant. “Do mitthi diyo, bhai (two sweet ones, brother),” they say in Dakhni, an idiom known for its propensity to contract words. Promptly, Qaiser Haftoor, sitting cross-legged in his lungi straddling the harees kiln, scalps the cauldron and plops two large ladlefuls on a white, scalloped metal plate with blue rims. He then does something unexpected. He mixes two spoonfuls of sugar in the harees and stirs until the crystals dissolve. “Mitthi harees is very popular. People come from all over the city for it. Of course, we also serve khaari (salty) harees,” says Haftoor, whose father started the eatery 53 years ago.

A mandi thaala at the Qasr al Mandi restaurant in Barkas
A mandi thaala at the Qasr al Mandi restaurant in Barkas   | Photo Credit: Nagara Gopal
It is now afternoon. The strains of azaan waft across from the Jama Masjid. The faithful heed the call and join the congregation. Prayers here are like any performed in mosques elsewhere in the city, but if you look closely, you will notice that some hand gestures are different. “In most parts of Hyderabad, and indeed India, the Hanafi school of Islamic jurisprudence is practised. In Barkas, and especially among the Arabs, the Shafai’i school is predominant,” says Farooq Arifi, who comes from a family of hereditary qazis and is a senior employee at the Telangana State Waqf Board.

A fruit auction
A fruit auction   | Photo Credit: Nagara Gopal
The area has been home to both the traditional and modern, says Raheem Bawazir, a media professional and Barkas resident. The community has produced doctors (and built the Bakoban Hospital), lawyers, educationalists, politicians, and IT professionals, but it continues to be as steeped in tradition as always. Case in point: the daily fruit harraaj or auction. Abdul Aziz Misri is in his late 60s. Every morning near the Barkas ground parking lot, he presides over the harraaj of mulberry, guava and figs. Pushcart vendors gather around him and place their bids. The highest bidder takes the whole lot. “The harraaj is around 90 years old. No matter what happens, some things here will remain the same. Ninety years ago, fruits grew on trees in home orchards here; in 2020, the yield has decreased, but the fruits still come from homes,” he says.

Why Hyderabad’s Yemeni descendants worry about proving their citizenship

An outdoor kitchen where kebabs and other delicacies are prepared at the Qasr al Mandi in Barkas
An outdoor kitchen where kebabs and other delicacies are prepared at the Qasr al Mandi in Barkas   | Photo Credit: Nagara Gopal

Tucked away in tech city is the neighbourhood of Barkas, where descendants of Yemeni tribes have lived since the 17th century

Through the arterial thoroughfares of Hyderabad’s Old City, past the imposing Charminar and the Falaknuma Palace (now a Taj Hotel) atop a hillock, I reach Chandrayangutta. Nestled here, south of River Musi, is the Barkas neighbourhood. This is where descendants of Yemeni tribes have lived for over three centuries. It was in the late 17th century that Lahmadi Yemeni tribesmen, among many others, migrated to the subcontinent, mostly to join the Hyderabad State’s armed forces. They eventually made the city their permanent home. When India became independent, the Yemenis also became citizens.
Today, Ali bin Saleh Lahmadi, a businessman and a descendant of the Lahmadi Yemenis, is among those worrying about his citizenship, like so many others. For the last three Fridays, after the jumma namaz, the people of Barkas have been congregating on the sprawling grounds here to protest the Citizenship (Amendment) Act. For the last fortnight, they have also organised a symbolic ‘lights off’ protest. “From 7 p.m. to 7.15 p.m., shops turn off all lights. It is a protest against the siyaah (black) law,” says Lahmadi.
“I was born here, my parents were born here, my grandparents were born here. My forefathers came here from Yemen and worked as soldiers in the Nizam’s army. It is absurd to be told now that we might have to show documents or be asked where our parents were born,” says Lahamadi.

From the barracks
Barkas is a corruption of the word ‘barracks’. Yemeni soldiers first enlisted in the Asaf Jahi dynasty’s structured armed forces, the Nazm-e-Jamiyat, and in the irregular forces, the Afwaj-e-Beqaidah. The area was named after the barracks in which they were housed. The late Omar Khalidi, a famous Hyderabadi historian, notes that the Nizam’s Diwan or Prime Minister, Salar Jung, established a special court for Arabs — the Qazaat-e-Uroob. He also records that these soldiers were called chaush, the Turkish equivalent of a palace guard. This word, at times, is used in a pejorative sense as well. Today, the number of Yemenis here number between 50,000 to a lakh, and represent 100-150 tribes.
It is early in the morning. Boys and girls in school uniforms are riding pillion on bikes as their fathers drive them to school. At a tea stall on the pavement, a group of men sit around on stools, cigarettes pressed between their fingers, sipping tea. The tea of choice here is Sulaimani chai, an inalienable part of Yemeni culture: golden, sans milk, with mint leaves and a gentle squeeze of lemon. “Assalaamualaikum! Atashribu shai? (Peace be with you! Want some tea?)” Mohammed bin Saalam, the tea-seller, asks teasingly in Arabic, waving at an acquaintance who is rushing past. At the shop, the customers solemnly discuss the new developments: the frequent protests the city has witnessed over the past months.
Locals of Barkas gather at a qahwa shop

Locals of Barkas gather at a qahwa shop   | Photo Credit: Nagara Gopal

The men zipping by on motorcycles wear the ghatra, the traditional headgear worn in the Arabian Peninsula, wrapped around their head, its ends flapping on their backs and their lungis slapping against bare shins. The footwear most favoured is the arba chappal, sandals with a thick sole and two horizontal straps, usually adorned with a golden or silver buckle.
Some 45 years ago, the people of Barkas were primarily agriculturalists. But with Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries striking oil, employment opportunities poured into Hyderabad. Much like the Dakhnis, the Barkas men too grabbed these jobs.
“Most of us had lost contact with our relatives in Yemen. Finding work in GCC countries not only helped us get back on our feet, it gave our community better access to education. We reconnected with family. Members of the Yemeni diaspora live in Saudi Arabia, UAE and other countries. We traced them through our tribe names. The internet played its part — we found many relatives online,” says Saleh Ahmad bin Abdat, an office-bearer of Jamiatul Yemeniyya bil Hind, an association of Yemenis in India. As he introduces himself, the aspirated ‘h’ in Saleh and Ahmad is hard to miss.
Empowering daughters
With money pouring in, and the focus moving towards education, many more girls began going to school and college, says Ayesha Bahameid, who is both a graduate from a regular college and an aalimah, a woman who has received traditional madrassa education. “My sister is a doctor. The community has realised that women should be educated and has made rapid strides in this regard,” she says.
The Yemenis are now a powerful political bloc. Unlike the descendants of another migrant community, the Habashis, for instance, who were enlisted in the Nizam’s African Cavalry Guards, the Yemenis have thrived politically. The community continues to be represented in the Greater Hyderabad Municipal Corporation (GHMC). Fahad bin Samad Abdat, now in his 20s, is one of the youngest corporators; Ahmed bin Abdullah Balala is an MLA in the Telangana State Legislative Assembly. Ausaf Sayeed, a Hyderabadi-Yemeni, is the present Indian Ambassador to Saudi Arabia.
A customer tries on the traditional arba chappal at a footwear store

A customer tries on the traditional arba chappal at a footwear store   | Photo Credit: Nagara Gopal

While jobs in the Gulf have immensely improved the fortunes of many Hyderabadis from the 70s on, it gave the Yemeni groups another opportunity: the business of food. By the late 2000s, Arabian cuisine had become an integral part of Hyderabad’s culinary culture. Mandi is a dish of rice and meat (beef, mutton, chicken, fish, quail) garnished generously with raisins, cashews and almonds. Such is its popularity today that mandi finds a place on the traditional dastarkhwan alongside Hyderabadi biryani. Techies in Hyderabad, students, families, visitors — everyone throngs to mandi restaurants in Barkas and Errakunta, which is its geographical extension. Customers sit cross-legged at low tables as waiters bring in massive thaalas or plates. Everyone eats from a single plate.
Old world and new
The first mandi restaurant opened in 1997, a small eatery that only locals frequented. Then another one opened in 2004. “But the real change came around 2010, when the Matam al Arabi restaurant opened. That is when everything changed and the people of Barkas realised we could do well in the Arabian cuisine business,” says Khalid ‘Jameel’ al Barzikh, who runs the Qasr al Mandi restaurant. “Here, we use the original recipe. The rice and meat are cooked together in a special pit. You can say that the mandi is buried, so the cooking technique is known as madfoon, meaning ‘to bury’,” he says. Qasr al Mandi is located on the Srisailam Highway that connects Barkas to the famous temple town of Srisailam on the Telangana and Andhra Pradesh border.
Thanks to the demand from foodies willing to travel miles for a feast, some 30 mandi restaurants have sprung up along this 5-km stretch alone. Indeed, the stamp of Arabian culture, of the Yemeni community and their cuisine, is no longer confined to the Old City. Mandi restaurants have mushroomed in newer parts of town too: there are two in uptown Jubilee Hills Road Number 36, popularly known as ‘36’ among the IT crowd and another in HiTec City.
A stone’s throw from the Barkas Library is Hadrami Harees, which has been in business for over half a century. Harees is a forerunner to the Hyderabadi haleem, a dish that combines pounded meat and wheat. Two men with chiselled features and deep-set eyes walk into the restaurant. “Do mitthi diyo, bhai (two sweet ones, brother),” they say in Dakhni, an idiom known for its propensity to contract words. Promptly, Qaiser Haftoor, sitting cross-legged in his lungi straddling the harees kiln, scalps the cauldron and plops two large ladlefuls on a white, scalloped metal plate with blue rims. He then does something unexpected. He mixes two spoonfuls of sugar in the harees and stirs until the crystals dissolve. “Mitthi harees is very popular. People come from all over the city for it. Of course, we also serve khaari (salty) harees,” says Haftoor, whose father started the eatery 53 years ago.
A mandi thaala at the Qasr al Mandi restaurant in Barkas

A mandi thaala at the Qasr al Mandi restaurant in Barkas   | Photo Credit: Nagara Gopal

It is now afternoon. The strains of azaan waft across from the Jama Masjid. The faithful heed the call and join the congregation. Prayers here are like any performed in mosques elsewhere in the city, but if you look closely, you will notice that some hand gestures are different. “In most parts of Hyderabad, and indeed India, the Hanafi school of Islamic jurisprudence is practised. In Barkas, and especially among the Arabs, the Shafai’i school is predominant,” says Farooq Arifi, who comes from a family of hereditary qazis and is a senior employee at the Telangana State Waqf Board.
A fruit auction

A fruit auction   | Photo Credit: Nagara Gopal

The area has been home to both the traditional and modern, says Raheem Bawazir, a media professional and Barkas resident. The community has produced doctors (and built the Bakoban Hospital), lawyers, educationalists, politicians, and IT professionals, but it continues to be as steeped in tradition as always. Case in point: the daily fruit harraaj or auction. Abdul Aziz Misri is in his late 60s. Every morning near the Barkas ground parking lot, he presides over the harraaj of mulberry, guava and figs. Pushcart vendors gather around him and place their bids. The highest bidder takes the whole lot. “The harraaj is around 90 years old. No matter what happens, some things here will remain the same. Ninety years ago, fruits grew on trees in home orchards here; in 2020, the yield has decreased, but the fruits still come from homes,” he says.

ముసల్మాన్ల మొహల్లా - నిఖిల్ సచాన్

హిందీ కవిత
ముసల్మాన్ల మొహల్లా
నిఖిల్ సచాన్

నా స్నేహితుడొకడు పదే పదే అంటుండేవాడు
’ఈ మత సామరస్యం సంగతి
మాట్లాడ్డానికి బాగుంటుంది గాని
ఒక్కసారి ఎప్పుడైనా నువ్వు
ముసల్మాన్ల మొహల్లా లోకి
ఒంటరిగా వెళ్లావా’ అని.
‘ఒక్కసారి వెళ్లి చూడు
భయంతో వణికిపోతావు’ అనేవాడు.

అతను ముసల్మానులంటే చాల భయపడేవాడు
కాని షారుఖ్ ఖాన్ అన్నా
షారుఖ్ బుగ్గల్లో వెలిగే సొట్ట అన్నా
ప్రతి దీపావళికీ విడుదలయ్యే షారుఖ్ సినిమా అన్నా
పడి చచ్చేవాడు
దిలీప్ కుమార్ అసలు పేరు యూసుఫ్ అని తెలియదు గాని
దిలీప్ కుమార్ సినిమాలు కూడ తప్పకుండా చూసేవాడు
మా వాడికి షారుఖ్ అన్నా దిలీప్ అన్నా భయం లేదు
ముసల్మానులంటే మాత్రం భయపడేవాడు.

క్రిస్మస్ నాడు ఆమిర్ ఖాన్ సినిమా
విడుదలవుతుందని ఎదురుచూసేవాడు
బ్లాక్ లోనైనా టికెట్ దొరికించుకుని
ఈలలు వేస్తూ సినిమా చూసేవాడు
ఆమిర్ అంటే ఎప్పుడూ భయపడలేదు
ముసల్మానులంటే మాత్రం భయపడేవాడు

నాతోపాటే ఇంజనీరయ్యాడు
సైన్సంటే ఎంత మోజంటే
అబ్దుల్ కలామ్ లాగ ఒకానొక రోజు
తానూ పేద్ద విజ్ఞానవేత్తనవుతాననేవాడు
దేశం పేరు నిలబడతాననేవాడు
కలామ్ అంటే ఎప్పుడూ భయపడలేదు
ముసల్మానులంటే మాత్రం భయపడేవాడు

మా వాడికి క్రికెటంటే కూడ చాల ఇష్టం
మొహమ్మద్ అజరుద్దీన్ మణికట్టు కనికట్టూ
జహీర్ ఖాన్, ఇర్ఫన్ పఠాన్ ల చేతుల్లో ఎగిరే బంతులూ
మూడిటికి మూడూ ఇంద్రజాలాలనేవాడు
వాళ్లు ఆటకు దిగారంటే మనకు ఓటమే లేదనేవాడు
వాళ్లను చూసి ఎప్పుడూ భయపడలేదు
మరి ముసల్మానులంటే మాత్రం భయపడేవాడు

మావాడు నర్గీస్, మధుబాలల సౌందర్యానికి వీరాభిమాని
వాళ్ల నలుపు తెలుపుల సినిమాలన్నీ చూసేవాడు
వహీదా రహమాన్ చిరునవ్వుకూ
పర్వీన్ బాబీ కళ్లలో కాంక్షకూ ప్రాణాలిచ్చేవాడు
వాళ్లను చూసి ఎన్నడూ భయపడలేదు
ముసల్మానులంటే మాత్రం భయపడేవాడు

నిరాశలో మునిగినప్పుడల్లా
ముహమ్మద్ రఫీ పాటలు వినేవాడు
రఫీ సాబ్ గళంలోనే భగవంతుని నివాసం అనేవాడు
చెవుల మీద చేతులు పెట్టుకుని రఫీ అని పవిత్రంగా అనేవాడు
అసలు సాహబ్ అని కలపకుండా రఫీ పేరు ఉచ్చరించేవాడే కాదు
సాహిర్ రాసిన పాటలు వింటుంటే
ఆనందంతో కంట తడి పెట్టేవాడు
వాళ్లను చూసి ఎన్నడూ భయపడలేదు
ముసల్మానులంటే మాత్రం భయపడేవాడు

ప్రతి జనవరి 26 న
అల్లామా ఇక్బాల్ రాసిన
సారే జహాసే అచ్ఛా పాడుతుండేవాడు
ఈ పాట పాడుతున్నప్పుడు
దానికి బిస్మిల్లా షహనాయీ
జాకిర్ హుసేన్ తబ్లా
జతగూడితే ఇంక చెప్పేదేముంది అనేవాడు
వాళ్లను చూసి ఎన్నడూ భయపడేవాడు కాదు
ముసల్మానులంటే మాత్రం భయపడేవాడు

ఒక అమ్మాయితో ప్రేమలో పడినప్పుడు
గాలిబ్ గజళ్లే వినిపించేవాడు
ఫైజ్ గీతాలు పంపుతుండేవాడు
ఉచితంగా సంగ్రహించిన ఉర్దూ పదాలతో
ప్రేమలో పడిపోయిన అతని ప్రేయసి
ఇవాళ అతని సహచరి
ఆ కవుల గురించి అతనికెప్పుడూ భయం లేదు
ముసల్మానులంటే మాత్రం అమ్మయ్యో భయం

పెద్ద అబద్ధాలకోరు నా స్నేహితుడు
మహా అమాయకుడు కూడ
తెలియకుండానే ప్రతి ముసల్మాన్ నూ
ఎంతగానో ప్రేమించాడు
మరి ఎందుకనేవాడో తెలియదు
ముసల్మానులంటే భయం అనేవాడు
సంతోషంగా, ప్రేమమయంగా
ముసల్మానుల దేశంలోనే ఉండేవాడు
ఏ ముసల్మాన్ల మొహల్లాకు వెళ్లాడో
తెలియదు గాని
ఒంటరిగా వెళ్లడానికి అమ్మో భయం అనేవాడు
బహుశా అతనికి
భగవంతుడు సృష్టించిన ముసల్మాన్లంటే భయం లేదు
బహుశా అతను
రాజకీయాలు సృష్టించిన,
పత్రికలు సృష్టించిన,
ఎన్నికలు సృష్టించిన
కాల్పనిక ముసల్మాన్లంటే భయపడతాడేమో
వాళ్లు కల్పన వల్ల చాల భయం గొల్పుతారు
కాని వాస్తవంలో వాళ్లు
పండుగపూట సేమియాల కంటే మధురమైనవాళ్లు

(తెలుగు: ఎన్ వేణుగోపాల్)

An 85-year-old woman was burnt to death in her home in Delhi’s Gamri extension

An 85-year-old woman was burnt to death in her home in Delhi’s Gamri extension
Muslim residents evacuated their homes on Tuesday evening after facing hours of attacks by mobs chanting ‘Jai Shri Ram’.
An 85-year-old woman was burnt to death in her home in Delhi’s Gamri extension
Akbari, an 85-year-old woman, died after Hindu mobs set her house on fire on February 25. | Photo courtesy: Mohammed Saeed Salmani
Feb 26, 2020 · 06:45 pm
Aarefa Johari
 Share
 Tweet
 Email
 Reddit
 Print
 Comments
 Share
 Tweet
 Email
 Reddit
 Print
 Comments
At around noon on February 25, when Mohammed Saeed Salmani was out buying milk for his family, he received a call from his younger son. An armed mob of around 100 people had entered their lane in Gamri extension, around 1.5 km from Khajuri Khas in Delhi, and were setting shops and houses on fire. Their four-storey house, too, had been torched, and his family had sought refuge on the roof.

When Salmani ran towards his lane, people from neighbouring lanes restrained him. “They told me it was too dangerous, I could be killed, and I should just wait because what’s happened has already happened,” said Salmani, a 48-year-old owner of a readymade garments business. “I was stuck for hours, thinking that my family was dead the whole time.”

ADVERTISEMENT

While most of his family survived the arson, Salmani’s mother, 85-year-old Akbari, died in the fire on the third floor of their house. The building itself was burnt, including the family’s tailoring workshops on the first two floors. Salmani claims that the mobs also looted him of Rs 8 lakh and all the family jewellery stored in the building. “I have nothing left, I am zero,” he told Scroll.in.

Akbari’s body is now at GTB Hospital, and her family has been told that her postmortem will be done on Thursday. Salmani plans to bury her in their village in Meerut district, and also plans to file a first information report against the unknown arsonists.

Gamri extension near Khajuri Khas is one of the many areas across North East Delhi that have been rocked by violence after clashes broke out over the Citizenship Amendment Act. Clashes between supporters and opposers of the law began on Sunday evening and escalated from Monday onwards after mobs chanting “Jai Shri Ram” attacked several Muslim neighbourhoods with stones, lathis and arson.

Muslim residents of Gamri extension told Scroll.in that their area has received very little attention from the police and the media so far. On Tuesday evening, as the threat of more attacks by Hindutva mobs grew, all Muslim residents of the area left with their basic belongings and sought refuge with relatives and friends in other parts of Delhi.

ADVERTISEMENT

“We don’t know when we will be able to go back, and I don’t think we will be able to continue living in that area in the future,” said Sohail Ismail (name changed), a 30-year-old from Gamri extension.

‘They burnt our Quran’
According to Ismail, Gamri is predominantly populated by Hindus, with around 90 or 100 Muslim houses and one mosque called Aziziya Masjid. Violence in the area first began on Monday night, February 24, when around 200 Muslims from different parts of Delhi were passing through the area after offering the annual Kasabpura Ijtema prayers held every February at a mosque in Karol Bagh.

“These people were on their way home towards Loni, and when they reached the Khajuri area, a mob of 100 to 150 Hindus attacked them with stones and lathis,” said Ismail. Around 200 Muslims sought refuge in Gamri’s Aziziya Masjid, where they remained all night. At dawn on February 25, said Ismail, local Muslim residents helped them get out in small groups of twos and threes.

Later that morning, at around 10.45 am, Ismail claims a large mob returned, chanting “Jai Shri Ram” and anti-Muslim slogans, and began attacking people and homes with stones and petrol bombs.

ADVERTISEMENT

“This went on for more than two hours, during which they also broke into our Masjid, vandalised everything inside and burnt our Quran,” said Ismail. A local medical store, bakery and other establishments in the area were also set on fire, he said.

“They tried to burn one Muslim man too, but he was saved by a local Hindu family,” Ismail said.


One of the videos shot by Salmani's family and his staff while they were stuck on the roof of their building. Courtesy: Mohammed Saeed Salmani
‘My mother was old, could not run’
Salmani’s four-storey home was one of several homes targeted by the mob for arson. “My family locked themselves in but the mob broke open the gate and started looting and setting things on fire,” said Salmani, who heard about this on a phone call from his son.

Salmani’s family included his mother Akbari, his wife, two daughters and two sons. His older son lived on the fourth floor of the building with his wife, and the couple were not at home when the arson took place – they were at a hospital because Salmani’s pregnant daughter-in-law was in labour. “She delivered a baby girl today, one day after we lost everything,” said Salmani.

ADVERTISEMENT

When the mob set fire to Salmani’s tailoring workshops on the first two floors of his building, the six labourers working there ran upstairs. Gradually, as the fires rose, the whole family and the labourers were forced to go to the roof, which was also billowing with smoke. “My mother was old and could not run or cope with all the smoke – she died in the house only,” said Salmani. “If I had been there, perhaps I would have been able to get her up to the roof.”

Salmani’s family was stuck on the roof for an hour, with smoke constantly billowing around them. From the roof, they shot videos of fires in surrounding areas. In one video, they can be heard saying, “Look, the Jai Shri Ram waale have returned”.


Salmani's family and staff were stuck on their roof for an hour before they were rescued. Courtesy: Mohammed Saeed Salmani
They were finally brought down from the roof by the police, who took them to Usmanpur police station, where Salmani was finally able to meet them.

“The police took 2.5 hours to reach our area after the violence started,” said Ismail. “They managed to disperse the mob for a while, but the mob was not scared of them – they just went in other lanes and continued attacking homes.” All the while, Ismail claimed that their Hindu neighbours and friends kept calling them and warning them to stay indoors.

At around 4 pm on Tuesday, some Muslims from Gamri ventured out to talk to the police personnel. “The police told one of the Muslims from my area that the mobs were going to get bigger and the police did not have the forces to contain them, so we should all leave for our safety,” said Ismail, who then gathered all his family’s identity documents and left for a relative’s house. “All the Muslims have left from there, and the updates we are getting from our Hindu neighbours is that the mobs are still roaming around.”

Dhanikonda Hanumantha Rao - Literature క్షమించండి, హాజరు కాలేను ! ~~

Dhanikonda  Hanumantha Rao  - Literature క్షమించండి, హాజరు కాలేను !
~~

కె. శ్రీనివాస్ గారూ, మీ ఆహ్వానం అందింది. హాజరుకాలేక పోతున్నందుకు క్షమించండి. నేనింకా మీరు పిలుపునిచ్చిన " ఛీ కట్టుకోవాలి మనల్ని మనం " తాలూకూ ఉత్తేజం, ఉద్వేగం నుంచి ఇంకా బయటకు రాలేదు. ఏదొక కార్యాచరణ గురించే ఇంకా ఆలోచిస్తున్నాను. మీరు మాత్రం ఛీ కొట్టుకోవడం నుంచి బయటకు పూర్తిగా వచ్చి ఈ సకుటుంబ సపరివారపు కార్యక్రమంలోకి వచ్చినందుకు అభినందనలు. మరోసారి మీరేమిటో, మీ అసలు మొఖం ఏమిటో మీరే తెలుగు సమాజానికి బాగా అర్థం చేయించి భ్రమలు తొలిగించినందుకు కృతజ్ఞతలు.


దేశ రాజధానిలో పారిన విద్వేషపు రక్తపు తడి యింకా ఆరనే లేదు తెలుగు నేల శతజయంతి వుత్సవాలు విందుల్లో చురుగ్గా పాలుపంచుకునే కార్యక్రమంతో రావటంలో వింతేమీ లేదు. ముందుగా అనుకున్న కార్యక్రమం అని సరిపెట్టుకుందాం అనుకున్నా హృదయం ఒప్పుకోవడం లేదు మన అమానవీయమైన పనులు చూసి.మన యింటిలో బంధువులకో మరెవ్వరికో ఆరోగ్యం బావులేనప్పుడు వుత్సవాలు చేసుకుంటామా,పోస్ట్ పోన్ చేసుకోమా? నిన్న ఓ విరసం మిత్రుడు ఇంత నెత్తుటి చిత్తడి ముంగిట పుస్తక ఆవిష్కరణ సంబరాలేమిటీ ? అని వాపోయారు. వాస్తవమే కదా అనిపించింది. రోజూ గుట్టలుగా వచ్చిపడుతున్న వార్తల్లోనుంచి తెగిపోయిన అవయవాల్ని, అవి చెప్పే హృదయవిదారక దృశ్యాలు మనల్ని అన్నం తిననిస్తున్నాయా, నిద్రపోనిస్తున్నాయా?

ఇప్పటికే అనేక సభలు ఈ శతజయంతి సందర్భంగా నిర్వహించారు. మీ ఇంటి రచయిత కాబట్టీ మీడియాలో కూడా విరివిగానే కవరేజ్ వచ్చింది. కొన్నాళ్ళు ఆగి జరుపుకుంటే ఎంతో మర్యాదగా ఉండదా? దేశరాజధానిలో ఇంత విషాదం నెలకొని ఉన్న సమయంలో నూరేళ్లు నిండిన రచయిత రచనలు మీద ఇప్పుడు డే లాంగ్ సెషన్ ఏమిటండీ ?

ఈ కార్యక్రమం జరిగే రోజే CAA, ఉపా కేసులకు వ్యతిరేకంగా సభకి నిర్వహిస్తోన్న విరసంకి ఇప్పటికైనా ఒక విషయం అర్ధం అవ్వాలి. ప్రజాస్వామిక రచయితల వేదిక తమకి సరియైన ఫ్రoటల్ ఆర్గనైజేషన్ కాదని. విరసాన్ని తమ కెరీర్ కోసం ఉపయోగించుకుంటున్న సంస్థ అని. లేదు ఉదారవాదాన్నే మా ఏకైక నినాదం చేసుకున్నాం అనుకుంటే ఇక మీ ఇష్టం. అత్యవసరంగా మాటాడాల్సిన చర్చించాల్సిన విషయాలు ఉన్న ఈ సమయంలో 'కొత్త చూపుతో మరింత కాంతివంతం అవుదాం' అని పోస్టింగ్స్ పెట్టుకోవడం చూస్తుంటే గోడలకు ఆవల స్త్రీపురుష సంబంధాలను చర్చించటానికి ఇదే సరైన సమయం అనుకుంటున్నారేమో బహుశా ?

ఈ కార్యక్రమ నిర్వాహకుల మీద, పాల్గొంటున్న రచయితల మీద నాకైతే పెద్దగా భ్రమలు లేవు కానీ ఏ సంస్థ లో వున్నా, ఎక్కడున్నా కనీస ప్రజాస్వామిక విలువల కోసం గొంతెత్తే కాత్యాయనీ విద్మహే గారు, సంగిశెట్టి శ్రీనివాస్ గారు ఈ కార్యక్రమంలో వక్తలుగా కనిపించడం ఎందుకో బాగోలేదు. ఇప్పుడున్న ఈ వాతావరణంలో మనం మాటాడాల్సిన విషయాలు యేమిటి ? తెలుగు సమాజం ఇప్పుడు మీ నుండి ధనికొండ గురించి అభిప్రాయాలను కోరుకోవడం లేదు. ధనికొండ ఏ కోవకు చెందిన రచయితో, ఏ భావజాలం కోసం రచనలు చేశారో, వాటిలో ప్రధాన వస్తువు ఏమిటో తెలుగు సాహిత్యంలో ఆయన పాత్ర ఏమిటో అందరికీ తెలుసు. ఇప్పుడు కొత్తగా తెలుసుకునేందుకు ఏమీలేదు. అది మీకూ తెలుసు. ఇప్పుడు దేశంలోని ప్రతీ ఇంటి తలుపునీ తడుతోన్న నెత్తుటి మడుగు కోసం ఆ వేదిక మీద నుంచి మీరేమి మాట్లాడగలరు?

ఈ సకుటుంబ సపరివార "కమ్మ"ని బ్రాహ్మణ విందు భోజనానికి హాజరయ్యే భోక్తల్లో చాలామంది ఇప్పటికే తమ వాల్స్ మీద రాజధాని నరమేధం మీద బోల్డన్ని కన్నీళ్లని ఒలకబోసేసారు. మరి ఈ విందులో పాల్గొని ఏమి మాట్లాడనున్నారో వారివారి విజ్ఞతకే వదిలేద్దాం. నేనైతే ఈ విషాద సమయంలో మీ కుటుంబ వేడుక లో పాలుపంచుకోలేను. పస్తుండయినా సరే ఈ చిన్న నిరసన కార్యక్రమంలోనే పాల్గొంటాను.

పి.ఎస్. :-

శ్రీనివాస్ గారూ, దయచేసి ఇక మీదట ' ఛీ కొట్టుకుందాం ', 'సిగ్గుపడదాం ' లాంటి విప్లవ పిలుపులు ఇవ్వకండి. నాలాంటి నరాల బలహీనత ఉన్న అర్భకుల ప్రాణాల మీద కొస్తుంది.

How Savarkar Escaped Conviction For Gandhi’s Assassination

How Savarkar Escaped Conviction For Gandhi’s Assassination
Vinayak Damodar Savarkar turned his back on his lieutenants in order to escape charges in Gandhi's murder. But a commission established his guilt posthumously.

How Savarkar Escaped Conviction For Gandhi’s Assassination
Pavan Kulkarni
HISTORYPOLITICS
29/MAY/2017
Stamps with pictures of Savarkar and Gandhi. Credit: Wikimedia Commons
Stamps with pictures of Savarkar and Gandhi. Credit: Wikimedia Commons

This is the second in a two-part series on V.D. Savarkar. Read the first part here.

Five months after India’s independence, on January 14, 1948, three members of the Hindu Mahasabha – Nathuram Godse, Narayan Apte and Digambar Badge, an arms dealer regularly selling weapons to the Mahasabha – arrived at Savarkar Sadan in Bombay. Apte and Godse were among the very few who “had the right to move immediately past that room up a flight of stairs to the personal quarters of the dictator of the Hindu Rashtra Dal,” according to Larry Collins and Dominique Lapierre’s book, Freedom at Midnight, written based on information acquired from in-depth interviews and extensive research of official documents including police records.

Badge, who did not have such unrestricted access to Savarkar, was told to wait outside. Apte took from him the bag containing gun-cotton slabs, hand grenades, fuse wires and detonators, and went inside with Godse. When the duo returned to Badge after 5-10 minutes, Apte was still carrying with him the bag of weapons, which he asked Madanlal Pahwa – an angry Punjabi refugee who had come from Pakistan after partition – and his seth, Mahasabha member Vishnu Karkare, to carry with them to Delhi.

Both Pahwa and Karkare had already visited Savarkar before Godse and Apte arrived at Savarkar Sadan with the weapons that day. According to Collins and Lapierre:


“Godse, Apte and Badge were not the first of their little group to penetrate the headquarters of Veer Savarkar that January day. Earlier, Karkare had ushered Madanlal into the master’s presence. Karkare had described the young Punjabi as ‘a very daring worker’. Savarkar’s response was to bestow one of his glacial smiles on Madanlal. Then he had caressed his bare forearm as a man might stroke a kitten’s back. ‘Keep up the good work,’ he had urged.”

Badge – who had known Savarkar since 1944-45 and Godse since 1940-41 – was asked by Apte the day after their visit to Savarkar Sadan if he would be willing to join them to Delhi. “Apte told me that Tatyarao (Savarkar) had decided that Gandhiji, Jawarhar Lal Nehru and [Huseyn Shaheed] Suhrawardy should be ‘finished’ and had entrusted that work to them,” said Badge – a co-conspirator in Gandhi’s murder who secured a pardon in exchange for turning into an approver and divulging the details of the conspiracy before the court.

After sorting out some household affairs in Poona, Badge returned to Bombay on January 17 to join them on their mission to Delhi. “Godse suggested that we should go to take one last ‘darshan’ of Tatyarao (Savarkar),” Badge testified. On entering the compound of Savarkar Sadan, Apte asked Bagde to wait in the room on the ground floor and went upstairs with Godse. When the two returned downstairs, they were followed by Savarkar who wished the duo: “Yashasvi houn ya (Be successful and come)”.

As the they left Savarkar Sadan, Apte told Badge in the taxi, according to his testimony:

“Tatyaravani ase bhavisya kale ahe ki Gandhijichi sambhar varse bharali – ata apale kam nishchita hamar yat kahi sanhya nahi [Tatyarao (Savarkar) has predicted that Gandhi’s 100 years are over, there is no doubt the work will be successful].”

But successful it wasn’t in the first attempt made on Gandhi’s life three days later on January 20, in the Birla House in Delhi. The plan to assassinate Gandhi during his public prayer failed and Pahwa, who had set off a bomb near the podium over which Gandhi sat addressing the crowd, was arrested. The rest of the conspirators began their run from Delhi. 

“Madanlal was still loyal to his fellow conspirators,” Collins and Lapierre wrote.

“[He] was sure they would try again. He was determined to win them as much time as he could by refusing to talk (to the police)… Then, calculating that the others had by now had time to flee, he gave a harmless account of their activities in Delhi. Suddenly, in a moment of self-assertion, he… admitted he had been at Savarkar Sadan with his associates and boasted he had personally met the famous political figure.

At midnight the police ended their interrogation of Madanlal for the night and closed their first daily register of the case… They knew they were faced with a plot. They knew how many people were involved. They knew it involved followers of Veer Savarkar.”

The police informed Gandhi that Pahwa was not a lone wolf and that “there was a serious likelihood that others would try again.” The then DIG of Delhi, D.W. Mehra, insisted on the tightening security at Birla House and requested Gandhi for permission to search suspicious people coming into the premises to attend his prayer meetings.

“‘I will never agree,” Gandhi said in a sort of half shriek. “Do you search people going into a temple or chapel for prayer?’”

“No, sir,” Mehra replied, “but there is no one in them who is a target for an assassin’s bullet.”

“Rama is my only protection,” Gandhi retorted. “…The rulers of this country have no faith in my non-violence. They think your police guard will save my life. Well, my protection is Rama, and you will not violate my prayer meetings with your police.”

Gandhi’s unwavering faith in the Hindu god, Rama, was indeed a blind one, as the Hindutva fanatics demonstrated to the world a few days later, when Godse – after another long meeting with Savarkar 3 -4 days after the failed attempt – returned to Delhi and shot Gandhi thrice at point blank range on January 30, 1948.

Savarkar. Credit: Youtube
Savarkar. Credit: Youtube

A ‘fanatical wing of the Hindu Mahasabha directly under Savarkar’ murdered Gandhi: Sardar Patel

On the February 22, Savarkar, who was by then held under detention, gave to the Indian government the same undertaking he had once given to the British Raj:


“I shall refrain from taking part in any communal or political activity for any period the government may require in case I am released on that condition.”

“The government had only to accept this humiliating and explicitly open-ended offer if its aims were political,” lawyer and historian A.G. Noorani said. But “[t]hey were not.” The Delhi police arrested Savarkar the following month. A special court, headed by Justice Atma Charan, was constituted on May 4.

Sardar Vallabhai Patel – then the deputy prime minister and Union home minister, and now a figure claimed by the Hindu Right as their own – was the chief prosecutor of the case, who was convinced of Savarkar’s guilt. In a letter he wrote to Nehru on February 27 that year, he clearly stated:

“It was a fanatical wing of the Hindu Mahasabha directly under Savarkar that [hatched] the conspiracy and saw it through.”

However, personal conviction would not compromise Patel’s commitment to due legal process. Allaying Mahasabha leader Syama Prasad Mookerjee’s concern that Savarkar “was being prosecuted on account of his political convictions,” Patel wrote a letter to him 20 days before Savarkar was named in the chargesheet, explaining:

“I have told (the Advocate-General and other legal advisers and investigating officers), quite clearly, that the question of inclusion of Savarkar must be approached purely from a legal and judicial standpoint and political considerations should not be imported into the matter… I have also told them that, if they come to the view that Savarkar should be included, the papers should be placed before me before action is taken.”

But distinguishing the legal procedure he upheld from the personal conviction he harboured about Savarkar’s guilt, Patel added:

“This is, of course, in so far as the question of guilt is concerned from the point of view of law and justice. Morally, it is possible that one’s conviction may be the other way about (emphasis added).”

Savarkar’s defence


Photo taken during the trial of the persons accused of participation and complicity in Mahatma Gandhi’s assassination in a Special Court in Red Fort, Delhi. The trial began on May 27, 1948. V.D. Savarkar, wearing a black cap, is seated in the last row, while Nathuram Godse and Narayan Apte are up front. Credit: Photo Division, GOI

Evidence found against Savarkar in Badge’s testimony included:

Savarkar’s meeting with Godse and Apte on January 14, with the arms that were used in the first attempt against Gandhi’s life only a few days later,
Apte informing Badge that Savarkar had decided that Gandhi had to be assassinated and had entrusted them with the task,
Another meeting of Savarkar with Apte and Godse on January 17, when Badge witnessed Savarkar wishing the two: “Be successful and come back”.
Apte telling Badge on leaving from Savarkar Sadan that Savarkar had predicted that Gandhi’s 100 years were over and there was no doubt the task (of assassinating Gandhi) would be successful.
Savarkar, in his skilful defence, pointed out that the meeting of Godse and Apte with Savarkar on January 14 cannot be established from Badge’s account, because he did not claim to witness the meeting itself. His account only mentioned that on the 14th, he arrived at Savarkar Sadan with Apte and Godse, where he was made to wait outside, while the two went in. Savarkar argued:

“Firstly…visiting Savarkar Sadan does not necessarily mean visiting Savarkar. Apte and Godse were well acquainted with Damle, Bhinde and Kasar who were always found there (in Savarkar Sadan)… So Apte and Godse might have gone to see their friends and co-workers in Hindu Mahasabha.”

After thus drawing other members of Hindu Mahasabha into the line of fire for his defence, Savarkar then went on to say, “Secondly… Apte and Godse deny it and state that they never went with Badge and the bag (of weapons) to Savarkar Sadan as alleged.”

With regards to Badge’s claim about Apte informing him that Savarkar had decided that Gandhi had to be assassinated, Savarkar said in his defence:

“..taking it for granted that Badge himself is telling the truth when he says Apte told him this sentence, the question remains whether what Apte told Badge is true or false. There is no evidence to show that I had ever told Apte to finish Gandhi, Nehru and Suhrawardy. Apte might have invented this wicked lie to exploit Savarkar’s moral influence on the Hindu Sanghatanists for his own purposes. It is the case of the prosecution itself that Apte was used to resort to such unscrupulous tricks. For example, Apte is alleged to have given false names and false addresses to hotel keepers.. and collected arms and ammunition secretly..”


After thus attacking Apte, who refused till the very end to admit in court that Savarkar had anything to do with the conspiracy, Savarkar then pointed out that in any case both Apte and Godse deny having told Badge that Savarkar had decided that Gandhi had to be assassinated. The same reasoning was again used to defend himself from Badge’s claim of having been told by Apte that Savarkar had predicted Gandhi’s time was up.


Photograph of the pistol used by the Hindutva activist Nathuram Godse to assassinate Mahatma Gandhi. Credit: Jeevan Lal Kapur Commission of Inquiry report, 1969.

His defence against one of the most crucial pieces of evidence – his meeting on January 17 and saying to Apte and Godse “Be successful and come back” – warrants longer quotations:

“Firstly, I submit.. that Apte and Godse did not see me on 17th January 1948 or any other day near about and I did not say to them, ‘Be successful and come back’… Secondly, assuming that what Badge says about the visit is true, still as he clearly admits that he sat in the room on the ground floor of my house and Apte and Godse alone went upstairs, he could not have known for certain whether they.. did see me at all or returned after meeting someone of the family of the tenant who also resided on the first floor of the house.”

After thus arguing that his testimony does not establish that Godse and Apte necessarily met him at Savarkar Sadan, he went on to make more concessions:

“Taking again for granted that Apte and Godse did see me and had a talk with me, still it was impossible for Badge to have any personal and direct knowledge of what talk they had with me for the simple reason that he could not have either seen or heard anything happening upstairs on the first floor from the room in which he admits he was sitting on the ground-floor. It would be absurd to take it as a self-evident truth that.. they must have talked to me about some criminal conspiracy only. Nay, it is far more likely that they could have talked about anything else but the alleged conspiracy.”

With regards to Badge’s testimony that he saw and heard Savarkar wishing Apte and Godse, “be successful and come back”, Savarkar told the court:

“Even if it is assumed that I said this sentence it might have referred to any objects and works.. Such as the Nizam Civil Resistance, the raising of funds for the daily paper, Agrani, or the sale of the shares of Hindu Rastra Prakashan Ltd.. or any other legitimate undertaking. As Badge knew nothing as to what talk Apte and Godse had with me upstairs, he could not assert as to what subject my remark “Be successful etc’ referred.” 

Robert Payne, in his book The Life and Death of Mahatma Gandhi, summarised Savarkar’s defence as follows:

“He had never met with the conspirators; if he did then the meeting had nothing to do with the conspiracy; he never came down the stairs; if he did, and if he spoke the parting words, ‘Be successful and come back,’ then it must be understood that he was talking about something entirely remote from the conspiracy…Savarkar took each sentence (of Badge) out of its context and showed that it was devoid of any precise meaning.”

“The circumstantial evidence,” he noted, “was impressive, the story told by Badge was a convincing one.” Payne was not the only one who found Badge’s testimony convincing. Justice Charan also found Badge to be a truthful witness. The judge pointed out:

“(Badge) gave his version of the facts in a direct and straightforward manner. He did not evade cross-examination or attempt to evade or fence with any question. It would not have been possible for anyone to have given evidence so unfalteringly stretching over such a long period and with such particularity in regard to the facts which had never taken place. It is difficult to conceive of anyone memorising so long and so detailed a story if altogether without foundation.”


Photograph taken on the occasion of the final immersion ceremony of the ashes of Mahatma Gandhi at Allahabad on February 12, 1948. Credit: Photo Division, GOI

Escaping the gallows

Nonetheless, some crucial parts of Badge’s testimony regarding the meetings on January 14 and 17 were not corroborated by the two witnesses produced in the court. One of them was an actress by the name of Shantabai Modak, who had met Apte and Godse on the Poona Express and then offered them a lift to Shivaji Park in the vehicle of her brother, who received her at Dadar Station on January 14. She told the court that:

“The two houses (that in which her brother lived and Savarkar Sadan) were on the right-hand side of the road. We passed.. (the) house in which my brother lives, and stopped the car opposite the Savarkar Sadan. The two gentlemen (Apte and Godse) got down. We then went ahead to turn the car and bring it back to my brother’s house. I saw the two gentlemen heading towards Savarkar Sadan.“


While this evidence establishes that Apte and Godse did get down from the car in front of Savarkar Sadan, the judge pointed out that it does not go so far as to establish that they “had got down in front of Savarkar Sadan to visit Vinayak. D. Savarkar… [N]ot only.. Savarkar but A. S. Shinde and Gajan Damle also resided in the Savarkar Sadan.”

Aitappa Kotian, the taxi driver who drove Godse, Apte and Badge to the meeting on January 17, was another witness produced by the prosecution. He testified:

“I.. stopped the taxi at the intersection of the second road on the south side of the Shivaji Park. The.. passengers got down from the taxi there. So far as I could see they went up to the second house from the corner of the road on my right (which was Savarkar Sadan).”

This evidence, the judge pointed out, does not corroborate the part of Badge’s testimony where he claims to have heard Savarkar saying “Be successful and come back” to Godse and Apte. In the absence of records that reveal the subject of the conversation that took place on the first floor between Savarkar, Godse and Apte, it cannot be presumed that Savarkar’s alleged remark was made in reference to the mission to assassinate Gandhi.         

“As is the case with most of the conspiracies, there is and could be no direct evidence of the agreement amounting to criminal conspiracy. However, the circumstances cumulatively considered and weighed, would unerringly point to… collaboration…. The incident… had shaken the entire nation and the collective conscience of the society will only be satisfied if … capital punishment is awarded…”

If the words above were written in the judgment by Justice Charan, Savarkar would not have escaped the gallows. But they weren’t. These words are from contemporary times – from the Supreme Court’s judgment indicting Afzal Guru. Justice Charan subscribed to a different school of legal thought which found it worthy to take the risk of letting a thousand criminals go unpunished in the process of ensuring that not a single innocent man is penalised.

Thus even though he regarded Badge as a truthful witness, in the absence of independent corroboration of some crucial parts of his testimony, the judge found it “unsafe” to convict Savarkar, in spite of the circumstantial evidence which Payne had found “impressive”. So it was that Savarkar was acquitted, while Apte and Godse were awarded death penalty.

“Hardly a parallel in cowardice”


Another view of the men charged with the assassination of Mahatma Gandhi during their trial at the Red Fort in May 1948. Savarkar is in the last row. Credit: Photo Division, GOI.

“Nathuram… was deeply hurt by… Tatyarao’s [Savarkar’s] calculated, demonstrative non-association with him either in court or in Red Fort Jail,” wrote P.L. Inamdar in his memoirs, The Story of the Red Fort Trial, 1948-49.  The lawyer who defended two of the co-conspirators – including Nathuram’s brother, Gopal Godse – told his readers:

“How Nathuram yearned for a touch of Tatyarao’s hand, a word of sympathy, or at least a look of compassion in the secluded confines of the cells. Nathuram referred to his hurt feelings in this regard even during my last meeting with him at the Simla High Court.”

But during the trial, Savarkar did not even turn “his head towards.. Nathuram.. much less speak with him,” Inamdar wrote.

“While the other accused freely talked to each other exchanging notes or banter, Savarkar sat there sphinx-like in silence, completely ignoring his co-accused in the dock, in an unerringly disciplined manner.”

Commenting on Savarkar’s conduct during the trails, Noorani, whose academic preoccupation is the study of the trials of Indian political figures, wrote in his authoritative book Savarkar and Hindutva: The Godse Connection, “The annals of great trials provide hardly a parallel in cowardice and deceit.”

This ‘cowardice’ out of which Savarkar chose to disown his ‘lieutenant’ (as Godse’s brother said he was regarded) stands in stark contrast to the audacity of the Hindu Mahasabha today, which – perhaps emboldened by Narendra Modi government’s great respect for freedom of speech – has publicly announced its mission to install Godse’s idols in temples across the country.

Seventeen years after Godse was hanged – or “martyred”, as the Mahasabha tells us – Savarkar, then aged almost 83, renounced food and medicine in the beginning of February 1966 and died on February 26. But the truth about his role in Gandhi’s murder was not cremated with his body. Only three years later, evidence found by the Kapur Commission implicated Savarkar in Gandhi’s murder.


Kapur Commission, 1969, established Savarkar’s guilt


Cover of the Jeevan Lal Kapur Commission of Inquiry report.

When Godse’s brother was released from prison in 1964, a programme was held to commemorate him. There, Bal Gangadhar Tilak’s grandson, G.V. Ketkar, boasted that he knew about Godse’s intention to kill Gandhi. What followed was a national controversy, which led to the setting up of a commission under Justice Jeevan Lal Kapur in 1969, with the mandate to investigate who all had prior knowledge of the plot to assassinate Gandhi, which authority they informed and what measures were taken by the authorities who received this information.

Two of Savarkar’s aides who hadn’t previously testified during his trials spoke up before the commission. Their statements not only provided an independent corroboration of the two meetings with Savarkar which Badge had referred to in his testimony, but also revealed that before carrying out the assassination, Godse and Apte had met Savarkar once again on January 23 or 24, after Madanlal Pahwa’s first attempt on Gandhi’s life had failed.

Based on the statements of Savarkar’s bodyguard, Appa Ramchandra, Justice Kapur stated in the commission’s report:

“On or about 13th or 14th January, Karkare came to Savarkar with a Puniabi youth (Madanlal) and they had an interview with Savarkar for about 15 or 20 minutes. On or about 15th or 16th Apte and Godse had an interview with Savarkar at 9.30 P.M. After about a week so, may be 23rd or 24th January, Apte and Godse again came to Savarkar and had a talk with him.. for about haIf an hour.”

Statements of Savarkar’s secretary, Gajanan Vishnu Damle, also corroborated the fact that Apte and Godse met Savarkar in the middle of January. Both their statements, as well as Badge’s testimony, indicated that Savarkar had lied before the court when he said, “Apte and Godse did not see me on 17th January 1948 or any other day near about (emphasis added).”

Their statements not only established the close working relationship Gode and Apte had with Savarkar since 1946, the report said, but also provided evidence which shows that:

“Karkare was also well-known to Savarkar and was also a frequent visitor. Badge also used to visit Savarkar. Dr. Parchure (another accused for whom P.L. Inamdar won an acquittal) also visited him. All this shows that people who were subsequently involved in the murder of Mahatma Gandhi were all congregating sometime or the other at Savarkar Sadan and sometimes had long interviews with Savarkar. It is significant that Karkare and Madanlal visited Savarkar before they left for Delhi and Apte and Godse visited him both before the bomb was thrown and also before the murder was committed and on each occasion they had long interviews.”

After re-examining all the relevant information – old and new – unearthed by Bombay’s deputy commissioner of police, Jamshed Nagarvala, the Kapur commission concluded:

“All these facts taken together were destructive of any theory other than the conspiracy to murder by Savarkar and his group.”

Distortion of popular history

The findings of Kapur Commission which implicated Savarkar in Gandhi’s murder did not, however, discourage the first BJP-led NDA government led by Atal Bihari Vajpayee from installing a portrait of Savarkar, alongside that of Gandhi, in the central hall of the parliament building in 2003.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi folding his hands in front of Savarkar's portrait on his birth anniversary in 2015. Credit: Wikimedia Commons
Prime Minister Narendra Modi folding his hands in front of Savarkar’s portrait on his birth anniversary in 2015. Credit: Wikimedia Commons

This move sent Vishwanath Mathur – a freedom fighter from Bhagat Singh’s party who had also served a sentence in the cellular jail – into a fit of rage. Describing Savarkar as a “coward being portrayed as a revolutionary”, Mathur protested:

“This government is determined to legitimise a symbol of national shame. Not only did he beg for mercy from the British and was an accused in the Mahatma Gandhi assassination case, he was also a proponent of the two nation theory.” 


Neither do these findings of the Kapur Commission – or for that matter, the listing of the various incidents of Savarkar’s collaboration with the British – discourage Narendra Modi and other ministers in the government from celebrating Savarkar’s birth anniversary, year after year, and glorifying him as a great freedom fighter and a patriot.

Because allowing a truthful portrayal of the father of Hindutva ideology will invariably compromise the prospect of turning India into the Hindu rashtra he had envisioned. Spreading lies to counter historical facts and reinforce the myth of “Veer” Savarkar is therefore an imperative for the success of the project unfolding before us. 


As in previous years, May 28, 2017, the 134rd birth anniversary of Savarkar, once again provided a platform for Hindutva ideologues – inside and outside the government – to repeat the lies about their founding father. For “with sufficient repetition,” Goebbels had once said, “[i]t would not be impossible to prove.. that a square is in fact a circle.” Or, for that matter, that cowardice is in fact courage. That collaboration with the colonial government is the same as fighting for freedom. And that a sectarian ideologue who was prepared to go to any length to oppose those who stood for the unity of all Indians is in fact a great patriot and national hero.

Pavan Kulkarni is a freelance journalist.